Burma’s most powerful neighbors, India and China, have engaged extensively with Burma economically. [56] Alex Bellamy, “The Responsibility to Protect and the Problem of Military Intervention,” International Affairs 84.4 (2008): 617. The idea of constructive engagement originated during the administration of American President Ronald Reagan to describe his approach towards South Africa. [9] “Some Background Information on Burma,” last modified Mar. These documents “enshrined a number of principles governing ASEAN states, among which are: mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and national identity of all nations”. While some of the norms of ASEAN are norms embodied in international society (for example sovereignty and non-intervention), they are not conceptualized in the same way. As the end of the Cold War diminished the ideological divide in the region, it produced the opportunity to include Burma within ASEAN. [6] Nonetheless, expansion also brought to the forefront complex challenges. Firstly, it acted as a rhetorical device that ASEAN used to show the international community that it was taking some action on Burma. Secondly, because of the political space afforded by the notion of constructive engagement, ASEAN was able to pursue its pragmatic goals in Burma through economic engagement. [44], Constructive engagement was further rooted in member states’ national economic interests. The five founding members of ASEAN (Tha… 2010, http://www.burmawatch.org/aboutburma.html. [42] Anonymous, “Expanding ASEAN,” The Economist 343.8015 (May 1997): 17. For the same reason, a norm of quiet diplomacy is promoted. The policy became a device that operated on two levels. ASEAN, in full Association of Southeast Asian Nations, international organization established by the governments of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand in 1967 to accelerate economic growth, social progress, and cultural development and to promote peace and security in Southeast Asia. [12] Throughout her imprisonment, foreign dignitaries like UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, visited Suu Kyi multiple times to show their support for her run for presidency and commitment to democratic processes. [18] Inclusion helped the government expand its trade and military connections within Southeast Asia and internationally. The Asean way needs to adapt to allow for this increased participation and engagement. A united Southeast Asia could assist in maintaining a regional balance of power more favorable to ASEAN member states. The Chinese established oil and gas pipelines, railroads, highways, and infrastructure in Burma throughout the 1990s and 2000s. This consensus-driven, non-confrontational model of decision-making allows countries to opt out of (or delay participating in) any initiative. ASEAN’s pragmatic-normative approach with Burma has included political and economic engagement. The ASEAN Way is the configuration all elements that have become interrelated in regional patterns of thinking, doing and valuing in ASEAN. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is now a multi-faceted regional organization that comprises ten member states: Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Brunei, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma. [73] Nonetheless, newer members of ASEAN are more pessimistic about the benefits of flexible engagement. [67] This pragmatism attempts to avoid getting locked down in monotonous procedural debates and focuses on a broad range of issues. Thomson Reuters Foundation trust.org, Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License, Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship. Although economic engagement deepened the relationship between Burma and ASEAN, without corresponding levels of political engagement, ASEAN was unable to induce much in the way of political liberalization. In establishing the constructive engagement strategy, ASEAN viewed isolation of a regime as an ineffective means to produce real political liberalization. Relevant to the analysis is ASEAN’s continued adherence to the norms of non-interference and quiet diplomacy. [26] When the West began to isolate Burma after 1988, China’s perception of Burma changed. [61] Policymakers constantly utilize compromise, consensus, and consultation in the informal decision-making process. Thus, it can be viewed as an Asian [19] Burma’s government expected that minor reforms and membership would enhance its political legitimacy and economic growth. This strong international pressure shifted the conversation within ASEAN to examining which types of economic engagement were appropriate within the constructive engagement strategy. [63] Accordingly, ASEAN achieved small private concessions from Burma on the release of some prisoners and minor democratic reforms. Burma was not a member of ASEAN when constructive engagement was introduced. In other words, sovereignty lies at the heart of the ASEAN way. ASEAN’s 1967 security doctrine asserted that Southeast Asia should be “capable of addressing itself to the outside world… in terms of its own aspirations rather in terms of major power rivalry and contention”. Some experts see this approach to decision-making as a chief drawback for the organization. The ASEAN Anthem is an expression of ASEAN unity. [68] American governments sought a harder-line response from ASEAN, at least until Burma undertook some genuine political reforms. 2010): 434. One school was to isolate and punish Burma’s regime. Examples of such regimes:  Philippines under Ferdinand Marcos (1972-1981), Singapore under the People’s Action Party (1965-present), Indonesia under Sukarno and Suharto (1945-1998). 2012): 24. The ASEAN Way process is often criticized as slow and time-consuming, and unable to set well-defined goals in terms of economic integration. ASEAN owes much of its success to the so-called “ASEAN Way”, a form of regional cooperation that puts national sovereignty and self-interest first. Overall, ASEAN uses constructive engagement as a clever device to enhance economic relations with Burma, assuage US pressure for democratization, and maintain a stable regional balance. [28] “India-Burma Border Caught in a Time Warp,” BBC World News, May 26, 2012, accessed May 12, 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-18156861. Economic and social inclusiveness will not happen if you do not have political inclusiveness. Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meyalo Himbunguwa Bangsa-Bangsa to Asia Tenggara yito organisasi lo negara-negara to kawasan Asia Tenggara. Based on this multi-layered regional organization, this article explores the concept of “constructive engagement” and how ASEAN utilized it in a more nuanced manner to engage Burma’s military junta. Quiet diplomacy allows ASEAN leaders to communicate without bringing the discussions into the public view. [46] For example, Yadama region which is 43 miles offshore from Myanmar, in the Andaman Sea has natural gas reserves of about 5 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Such regimes manifested corruption and tyranny. [69] ASEAN has taken such criticism quite seriously because of the adverse economic ramifications of not being viewed as a credible regional environment. [56] While more effective humanitarian intervention is, arguably, becoming more common in lieu of egregious human rights violations such as mass genocide, ASEAN member states hold sovereignty and non-intervention as paramount to the preservation of their long inter-state peace. The ASEAN Way as Direct and Indirect "Cooperation Promoter" Considering these strengths and limitations of the ASEAN Way, it can be argued that they exist at the extreme ends of a continuum. [9] A few months after the protest, a military coup was staged, martial law declared, and power was transferred from the military to a military junta: the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). [48] All ASEAN members were keen to gain access to Burma’s fish, timber, gems, and cheap labor sources. Elites within ASEAN sought to expand regional trade with Burma following the collapse of the Cold War security framework to reduce Burmese dependence on China. [29] India began to develop improved relations with Burma’s junta including the provision of satellite data and military equipment for Burma in the 2000s. 1 Observer – Papua New Guinea. To recognize the illegitimacy of the military junta, this essay will use “Burma”; “Myanmar” will only be referenced in cited works. ASEAN members will not readily support domestic movements of other member-states seeking regime change. [58] Indonesia’s President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called for a ceasefire and the resolution of the civil war through peaceful dialogue. It has become the founding block for other formal and informal regional groupings such as the much-needed security community in the Asia-Pacific region, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). The original intention of many ASEAN members in engaging Burma was to improve their own economies through increased FDI. [18] James, “Myanmar’s International Relations Strategy,” 549. Logan Masilamani is a professor of political science who teaches Southeast Asian politics and international relations at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada. By Logan Masilamani and Jimmy Peterson | Oct 15, 2014 | Asia Pacific, Essays | 0 |. [51] Turnell, “Burma’s Insatiable State,” 959. While Chretien was misguided in assuming that Cuba’s economic and political change would follow a Western, liberal trajectory, open communication channels and respectful interaction enhanced the bilateral relationship.[36]. More pragmatic issues, such as regional security and access to scarce energy resources, took on more importance than normative issues of human rights and the creation and consolidation of democracy. Since this name change was processed under an illegitimate rule, recognition of this name adds to the legitimacy of the military junta that ignored democratic process in 1990. [73] Myrna S. Austria, “Moving Towards an ASEAN Economic Community,” East Asia 29.2 (June 2012): 154. Thailand’s military was especially concerned about co-existing with a potentially hostile neighbor in Burma, and thus sought improved relations with Burma’s junta. According to Singapore’s foreign minister in a 1997 speech: “…[most] of us have diverse populations, with significant differences in race, religion and language, all of which are highly emotive issues. ASEAN’s heyday was one in which its members could band together to keep outside great power interference to a minimum. To begin with, this … There is ample debate about the success of ASEAN as a regional organization. [59] Daniel Seah, “I. In a climate where stability is linked to economic growth, imposing political change in Burma’s military-dominated environment would have run counter to the ASEAN Way. [71] A.H. Somjee, Political Capacity in Developing Societies (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1982). The ASEAN Way helped to bring about flexibility and a multi-dimensional approach to conflict resolution over political issues. Constructive engagement was more consistent with ASEAN’s traditionalist interpretation of the concept of sovereignty and its incremental and limited ASEAN Way. Guidelines on the Use of the ASEAN Anthem. Members avoid embarrassment that may lead to further conflict. [32] Critics within the liberation movement argued that constructive engagement supported the status quo and was therefore racist. By 1997, Burma was put under full sanctions and all new US foreign direct investment (FDI) was prohibited from entering; the European Union (EU) also placed restrictions on Burma such as an arms embargo and the freezing of senior military members’ assets. [49] G. Eisenstodt, “On the Road to Mandalay,” Forbes 157.2.22, Jan. 1996. [76] McCarthy, “Ten Years of Chaos,” 259. “These norms of consensus and noninterference have in… Andrew Parker Parker says the region is witnessing the fastest, largest and most sustained rise in incomes in human history. 10 States― Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. [72] Nonetheless, over time there has been a movement away from the ASEAN Way to “flexible-consensus building”. The underlying vision of ASEAN’s founding fathers was the concept of creating “One Southeast Asia”, which was based on the geographic definition of the region, as laid out by the British and the Americans. The first of the four characteristics of the ASEAN Way was the adoption of the Westphalian idea of recognition of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference and non-support for forces fighting governments of other East Asian nations. These semi-authoritarian or disciplined democracies curtailed normal liberal democratic freedoms for their respective citizens. [72] Michael Antolik, “The Cautious Consolidation of ASEAN,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 4.3 (1982): 316. [65] Moe Thuzar, “Chapter 12: The Nargis Experience: Pragmatic Solutions Towards Change,” in ASEAN Matters: Reflecting on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Edited by Yoong Yoong Lee, River Edge, New Jersey: WSPC/Others (2011): 72. [24] Stephen McCarthy, “Ten Years of Chaos in Burma: Foreign Investment and Economic Liberalization under the SLORC-SPDC, 1988-1998,” Pacific Affairs 73.2 (2000): 235. [74] The underlying assumption has been that regime change must come naturally. [31] Lee Jones, “ASEAN’s Albatross: ASEAN’s Burma Policy, from Constructive Engagement to Critical Disengagement,” Asian Security 4.3 (Sep. 2008): 273. By not publicly alienating Burma, ASEAN policymakers believed this approach would produce a long-term, gradual change among Burma’s leadership in its respect for human rights and democracy. Political and economic engagement were not appropriated in tandem to improve Burmese democracy but worked separately to advance ASEAN member states’ economic interests. [39] Ramacharan, “ASEAN and Non-interference,” 66. But there is no authentic definition of that ASEAN Way. [35] Harsh rhetoric, sanctions, and boycotts would undermine progressive development. Policy Toward Burma,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch 7.23 (June 1996): 291. This special political style is proudly known as the "ASEAN way." This site uses cookies to deliver a better user experience. This video is not meaning so much, hahaha. [30] “Burma Leader Expects Silence from India Visit,” BBC World News, July 26, 2010, accessed May 12, 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-10762179. ASEAN owes much of its success to the so-called “ASEAN Way”, a form of regional cooperation that puts national sovereignty and self-interest first. To foster solidarity, “the ASEAN leadership has utilized three tactics: (a) adoption of an increased approach to decision-making, (b) stressing the virtue of dependability, and (c) promotion of a community consciousness”. [45] Burma’s rich resource-base is critical. The Evolution of the ASEAN Way The fundamental characteristics of the ASEAN Way, as defined in its main principles, are consensus-based decision–making and non-interference in the internal affairs of member countries (Heller, 2005). Integration involving more members in a potential free trade area would provide greater benefits to the Southeast Asia region. The intangible spirit was cultivated by the respective leaders of the regional grouping in the 1970s, a turbulent decade filled with deep mistrust amongst the member states in the Cold War context. Because the change in name has no direct implication to the control of the military over the country, the regime may be referred to in this paper as both the SLORC or SPDC. That makes it … [3] Ann Jung, “ASEAN and the South China Sea: Deepening Divisions,” The National Bureau of Asian Research, July 2012, http://www.nbr.org/research/activity.aspx?id=262. [31] It emphasized intergovernmental cooperation, lending South Africa financial resources to contribute to its economic development, and repudiating the use of sanctions to punish South Africa for its government’s apartheid policy. [49] Burma’s government has long extracted its energy resources to the benefit of overseas investors for greater external support. [30] India’s establishment of ports in Burma was part of a broader plan to make Burma a gateway to South East Asia. [11] The NLD was barely allowed to function over the next two decades. Non-interference draws from the concept of sovereignty. ASEAN added five countries in the decade, recognizing that there was a small window of opportunity to add other Southeast Asian states in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War’s end. External pressure, particularly from the U.S. and the EU, has forced ASEAN to segment constructive engagement into self-contained fronts. The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), formed in 2015, has a combined GDP of $2.8 trillion, and is also the 3rd fastest-growing major Indo-Pacific economy in the past decade, after China and India. Improved intra-regional tourism, investment, and trade would encourage the development of infrastructure, especially in underdeveloped and rural areas of the country. The normative agenda of indirect political liberalization and democratization became secondary within ASEAN’s notion of constructive engagement. Nevertheless, ASEAN’s adjustment in its approach toward Burma from “non-interference” to “flexible engagement” was the result of international pressure. [34] Chretien believed this approach would most effectively support movement in Cuba towards a peaceful transition towards respect for representative government, human rights, a more open economy, and eventual reintegration into the Western Hemisphere. ‘Broadening’ refers to an expansion in the number of members, while ‘deepening’ refers to the building of a stronger institutional order, which undertakes greater responsibility for enhanced regional cooperation. [22] Simultaneously, the government viewed membership as a means to acquire further political leverage. [57] These relatively young post-colonial states hold on tightly to their newfound sovereignty with their colonial pasts still fresh in peoples’ memories. This consensus-driven, non-confrontational model of decision-making allows countries to … The Official Story of the Collapse of WTC Building 7 Lies in Ruins, Rogue State: Israeli Violations of U.N. Security Council Resolutions, COVID-19: What You Need to Know about Fatality Rates, Hillary Emails Reveal True Motive for Libya Intervention. [48] Stephen McCarthy, “Chapter 12: Burma and ASEAN: A Marriage of Inconvenience”, in Burma or Myanmar? The “ASEAN Way” — a term used to describe the organization’s system of cooperation — has facilitated trust amongst disparate states by avoiding confrontation while promoting consensus and engagement. We also have seen ASEAN voice its concern over China’s activities in the South China Sea, supported by many in those same Western countries. [22] Ong Keng Yong, “Chapter 14: ASEAN Economic Integration: The Strategic Imperative,” in ASEAN Matters: Reflecting on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Edited by Yoong Yoong Lee (River Edge, New Jersey: WSPC/Others, 2011): 89. This is logical, particularly in the Southeast Asian region, because of the multitude of volatile and explosive ethnic, racial, and religious differences. The ASEAN Way is a catchword for the norms that is supposed to govern the relations between states in Southeast Asia. The four characteristics of the ASEAN Way were also adopted by East Asian states around 1979. Early on, the US removed its ambassador from Rangoon and excluded Burma from various multilateral financial institutions (such as the World Bank and IMF) and imposed limited sanctions. The ASEAN way seeks to establish a consensus on issues and follows a principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of members from outside or within the region. Economic reforms would produce a larger middle class and the societal pressures necessary to foster political reforms over time. [34] Peter McKenna and John M. Kirk, “The Chretien Years: Evaluating ‘Constructive Engagement’,” Canadian Foreign Policy 16.1 (Spring 2010): 81. The ARF provides a channel for member state’s foreign ministers, including from some of the world’s biggest rivals such as India and Pakistan, Japan and China, and the US and China, to be able to discuss regional security challenges without having to resolve their disputes.[3]. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is now a multi-faceted regional organization that comprises ten member states: Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Brunei, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma. [35] Cristina Warren, “Canada’s Policy of Constructive Engagement with Cuba: Past, Present, and Future,” Canada Foundation for the Americas, Focal Research Forum on Cuba (June 1994): 1. Thus, it consists of the beliefs, practices, structures, responses, and values commonly shared in ASEAN. Founded in 1967, ASEAN has grown in both membership and importance in the Southeast Asia region and internationally. [7] These ties aimed to increase Burma’s socioeconomic progress, which in turn was hoped to enhance the country’s political liberalization and democratization. ASEAN is chaired by an annually rotating presidency assisted by a secretariatbased in Jakarta, Indonesia. [46] Surrounded by resource-hungry countries, including fellow ASEAN members and India and China, Burma has become a major energy exporter owing to its vast reserves of natural gas. China has focused on stability, border security, and the security of its business dealings in Burma with little past political involvement in Burma. Non-interference is also employed to deflect external pressure from the U.S., EU, and United Nations. [10] Seizing power in 1988, the governing regime in Burma was the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). [20] James Guyot, “Burma in 1997: From Empire to ASEAN,” Asian Survey 38.2 (1998): 190. While the doctrine of ‘quiet diplomacy’ is ambiguous, it above all prioritizes a consensus-based, non-conflictual way of addressing problems. [43] The grand vision of a new regional order would be based on peaceful cooperation and genuine interdependence within ASEAN. Alternative Title: Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Furthermore, the ASEAN legal framework involving the ASEAN Declaration of 1967, the Zone of Peace Freedom and Neutrality Declaration (ZOPFAN) of 1971, and the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) of 1976 accords ASEAN the privilege of using this framework as a hardened mandate not to interfere in the political matters of Burma. [13] Judith White, “Globalisation, Divestment and Human Rights in Burma,” The Journal of Corporate Citizenship 14 (2004): 55. [16] In all of these treaties, ASEAN member countries have emphasized the traditional operational concept of state sovereignty and stated that economic and political sanctions against Burma would have violated such regional agreements. [41] McCarthy, “Ten Years of Chaos,” 251. Burma, Laos and Cambodia became members completing the circle of ‘one Southeast Asia’. (SOlidium, D Estrella, p.93) Download pdf. [26] Brent Berger, “China’s Troubled Myanmar Policy,” The Diplomat, Aug. 2013, accessed Sep. 10, 2013, http://thediplomat.com/2013/08/chinas-troubled-myanmar-policy/. The Struggle for National Identity, Edited by Lowell Dittmer (River Edge, New Jersey: World Scientific Publishing Co., 2010): 335. After the Cold War ended, ASEAN significantly changed its mandate. The practical implementation of constructive engagement is both political and economic. Basically, the ASEAN union was created to help Southeast Asian countries to develop Economic growth, Socio-cultural development and Political-Security. [68] Kent Wiedemann, “U.S. ASEAN has long argued constructive engagement is rational, accounting for existing realities and inducing political change in a controlled, manageable fashion. [53] The term gained prominence with the establishment of a Southeast Asia military command by the Allied forces during the Second World War. [21] Burma’s junta sought to establish an environment of interdependency to accelerate its economic development. This approach was favored by Western countries and by various Burmese pro-democratic and ethnic groups. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a group of 10 nations in Southeast Asia that work together to promote political, economic, and cultural growth and solidarity. [21] Stephen McCarthy, “Chapter 12: Burma and ASEAN: A Marriage of Inconvenience,” in Burma or Myanmar?
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